By: Beyda Ceylan
I have been in Varto/Muş to join the anti-GEPP (Geothermal Power Plant) rally in April 2026. In this text, I give my direct observations about this local struggle which is one of the most successful local resistances in Turkey that I have observed so far. It has not achieved its aim yet, which is stopping the construction of the power plant. However, I think the success comes from the mass support in both local and international levels through an organization called Varto Ekoloji Platformu (Varto Ecology Platform) in only two months. Varto is a district in the Muş Province of Turkey, home primarily to Kurdish Alevis. Its economy is largely based on livestock farming, and the geothermal power plant poses a threat that could put an end to livestock farming in the region. Firstly, I will briefly mention GEPP projects and their harms towards socio-natures together with the social mobilizations against them which have lasted since the beginnings of the 2000s in Turkey. I use the acronym GEPP to denote Geothermal Energy Power Plant throughout this post for clarity. In Turkish contexts, this corresponds to JES (Jeotermal Enerji Santrali), a term that gained widespread use following the boom in geothermal project developments starting in 2004. Then, I will give information about the GEPP project in Varto and the organization of the struggle.

Fig. 1 – The Geothermal map of Turkey and the Varto region, modified by Şakir Şimşek, 1997.
The memory of the destruction caused by other GEPPs in Turkey
Firstly I should emphasize that the memory of the other struggles against the GEPPs in Turkey has played a role in the emergence of this kind of mass resistance in Varto. Especially in Germencik/Aydın, the GEPPs have caused the ecocide and destroyed approximately 500 000 fig trees in that region. According to the data Ethemcan Turhan provides in their article with Cem İskender Aydın, which is Hegemonik akıntıya karşı durmak: Türkiye’de genişleyen yenilenebilir enerji karşıtı mücadeleler üzerine düşünceler published in Praksis in 2023, Turkey has increased its electric generation capacity from geothermal power plants from 15 MW to 1686 MW between 2005 and 2022, ranking fourth globally. It was particularly driven by the government’s access to international climate finance from the World Bank and EBRD for renewable power plant projects following the beginning of 2000s. The government supports the privatization of the energy sector in the country and gives subsidies and cheap credits to the companies for the construction of especially HEPPs and GEPPs in these years. Thus, Turkey has faced many socio-ecological conflicts after those years.

Fig. 2 people at the rally, Author’s photography – April 25, 2026
The process by which resistance takes root
The process towards the resistance in Varto has actually started in 2023 through expert inspections but the local people have been told that it was because of earthquake fault lines. The people gave them permission because they were afraid of earthquakes. It became clear when the village heads (muhtar) were called to gather to sign some documents. The resistance has been ongoing ever since the project was announced to the public in February 2026.. The resistance began when the village headman of İçmeler, a village of Varto, and several villagers gathered and went from village to village to explain the harmful effects of geothermal energy power plants to people’s livelihoods. They have gained mass support from them in a very short time. The people of Varto are mostly subsistence farmers, they make their living from livestock farming and agriculture. Because the production of geothermal energy power plants will affect the 22 villages of Varto and Karlıova (another town of Muş near Varto) and cause the destruction on the vast pastures and watersheds of the villages that peasants’ lives mostly depend on to live, they have joined the struggle against the project and started to create village assemblies to make the decision-making processes democratic. Also, they have not limited themselves at the local scale, but they have created councils composed of migrants from Varto in the cities of both Turkey and Europe. They formed the Varto Ecology Platform, consisting of representatives from these councils and also other democratic mass organizations such as Alevi associations, other environmental organizations and organizations of the Kurdish freedom movement.

Fig. 3 People marching, Author’s photography – April 25, 2026
Key factors contributing to the spread of the resistance
In this part, I want to emphasize the factors that, in my opinion, were key to this resistance gaining widespread support. The first one is the leadership of the head of Içmeler village that I mentioned before. We can see the importance of the leadership and the role of muhtars[1] in the local resistances to inform and mobilize people against the projects because villagers mostly trust their headman. The muhtar of İçmeler village has also had experience coming from being a political subject of the Kurdish Freedom Movement in the region. This made it easy for the muhtar to mobilize its people. And now, we come to the second factor, the people of Varto are also part of the Kurdish Freedom Movement. They are already political subjects and they are much more aware of the Turkish state which subjugated their Kurdish-Alevi identities for a very long time. They already know how to organize and resist. The third one is the belief in unity with nature in Alevism, which is similar to Mother Earth understanding, which is Pachamama, of Latin America. The ecological consciousness of these people in this region plays an important role in people’s resistance. Also, even though they had moved elsewhere mostly due to economic reasons, they still maintained close ties to their hometown. Because of the combination of these factors they can create international and national networks with the people of Varto from many regions. They could organize demonstrations in different parts of Turkey and Europe. In this way, they also secured financial resources needed for self-organization of this movement.
The other important factor was the legitimacy they created with the anti-imperialist discourse against the American-based company. When we visited the muhtar of the village, he mentioned that it was crucial to gain legitimacy from every circle in Turkey, especially from Turkish people. It is because Kurdish people have been criminalized for several years by the Turkish state when they resist subjugation. Turkish people tend to see Kurdish people as terrorists when they mobilize. The people of Varto decided to emphasize the company being American. Thus, anti-GEPP resistance has become an anti-imperialist resistance where Turkish people might feel a sense of commonality and not view it as an anti-state uprising. It was interesting the muhtar said that even the Vali and the Kaymakam[2] did not pose much of an obstacle to the resistance providing covert support in that way.

Fig. 4 A shepherd and a native of the village of İçmeler in Varto, Author’s photography – April 26, 2026
We also heard from the muhtar during our visit to him that the company has already begun to realize they had hit a solid rock and regretted the project. However, Turkey’s resource extraction regime is dependent on extractivism and these kinds of energy projects. Despite all opposition, the company could come with the security forces and suddenly start drilling overnight as we have had many examples of it from other cases. If there is no institutional capacity to safeguard people’s rights, is there any chance for people other than to resort to direct action?
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Beyda Ceylan is a master’s student in the Department of Sociology at the Middle East Technical University in Ankara, Turkey. Her research interests lie at the intersection of ecology and labor. She also plays an active role in the environmental movement in Turkey. She currently serves as a coordinator for a youth environmental organization called “Doğanın Çocukları”.
[1] the term means the headman of the village in Turkish
[2] Despotic offices inherited from the era of the sultanate. They are generally used to undermine the autonomy of local governments and obstruct democratic processes in Turkey.





















