Renewable Energies: The challenge of sustainability in peripheral communities in Brazil

Por: Armindo Teodósio, Thiago Silva, Andressa Nunes, Melina Gomes

Several activities that make up contemporary human life, whether in central societies with concentrated wealth or in peripheral regions, are compromised without access to quality electricity. For some, it is now a matter of renewing the energy matrix that makes our societies operate, due to the enormous challenges that humanity faces in the age of climate change. For others, it is a matter of universalizing access to electricity as a central element of quality of life within the contemporary way of life that we replicate in different regions of the planet. One pursuit does not exclude the other. When they converge, we are moving towards initiatives that address climate change within what we call a just transition, climate justice and/or environmental anti-racism. Our article addresses these challenges in the Brazilian context.

Discussing energy from the Brazilian perspective, means discussing the continuity of energy services. Issues related to the availability and quality of electricity are daily concerns for the Brazilian people in different regions of the country. If, until a few years ago, the difficulty of accessing energy and the frequent interruption of its supply were a major problem for peripheral communities throughout our territory, the energy crisis is currently manifesting itself in the city with the largest GDP in the country, the city of São Paulo, which struggles with frequent and prolonged power outages due to extreme climate events. We need to advance both in the universalization of access to energy in our country and in the provision of energy security, in addition to further advancing the supply from less polluting matrices and those that generate less negative impacts on the environment.

One of the positive aspects of the Brazilian energy matrix is ​​that, when compared to other nations, it places us in a prominent position in terms of lower impacts on the environment. However, environmental complexity requires us to be increasingly critical and demanding with the solutions we seek. This is also evident in the supply of electricity. An example of this point is the debate and weighing of the Belo Monte alternative as a strategy to provide electricity to the North region and to support energy generation in the country. Even in a less polluting and degrading matrix, that derived from hydroelectric plants, when Belo Monte is brought into the debate, nothing becomes evident or clear in terms of sustainability. On the contrary, the disservice to sustainability becomes evident in a powerful way.

In the Brazilian context, discussing the quality of energy for homes and families is not a new topic. Nor is the discussion about what the future of energy will be like for transportation, for instance, which is the sector which is one of the sectors that consumes the most energy in Brazil and in the world – about 28% of all the energy we produce. What is relatively new are the forms of energy consumption that will be available in the face of population growth and consumption challenges.

An interesting point is that talking about the future of energy is not only about how large energy concessionaires will guarantee the uninterrupted supply for municipalities, but also about discussing small-scale renewable energy production that can supply rural areas. It is about treating the service provided by large distributors as complementary and not just exclusive. It is about pointing out, perceiving and following possible paths to guarantee electricity consumption for our families.

In different parts of the world, movements based on so-called Community-Based Renewable Energy, with different local governance arrangements, have emerged. These experiences seek to materialize in the daily lives of communities and cities the access to and generation of energy on a sustainable basis, transforming the general understanding of societies about strategies for a transition towards sustainable ways of life. The governance of these projects, as a rule, activates local social capital as an asset for raising awareness, engaging and acting on the part of citizens in creating local conditions for access, generation, and distribution of energy on a sustainable basis.

These experiences serve as inspiration for us to think about and fight for community and grassroots strategies to expand the  access, generation and distribution of energy on a sustainable basis  in Brazil. By studying these experiences, we can also learn and try to overcome important challenges related to cultural and social barriers, which increase when we talk about effectively building successful community-based renewable energy experiences in the country. These challenges are linked to gender, ethnic-racial issues and the vulnerability of communities located on the periphery of large centers that concentrate infrastructure, political and economic power and quality of life in the territories. Thinking about the expansion of renewable energy without considering inequalities, as well as the fallacies and myths behind some supposedly sustainable proposals for energy generation, is to build alternatives that will further restrict access to quality energy and deconstruct the foundations for a transition towards sustainability.

In countries like Brazil, marked by the important and rich presence of black people in the social, cultural, political and economic history of the nation, but unfortunately in a condition of enslavement, exploitation, degradation, silencing and erasure of their identities and cultures, inequalities in access to energy, especially the energy produced on a sustainable basis, are abysmal. Proof of this finding is that the lack of access to quality energy in the country is marked by race, territoriality and gender: it is recurrently present in quilombola territories, indigenous territories and in urban and rural spaces with a prevalence of black communities.

Figure 1 Quilombola Territory in Brumadinho, Minas Gerais, Brazil.

Source: Authors Archive.

Figure 2 Indigenous Territory in Brumadinho, Minas Gerais, Brazil.

Homem e mulher posando para foto

O conteúdo gerado por IA pode estar incorreto.

Source: Authors Archive.

Finally, in the rush to achieve energy transition, in which policies, programs and projects reorder the allocation of economic resources and generate an increase in political and social capital, especially in terms of legitimizing economic and productive initiatives, there is misinformation and ignorance about the effective contribution to sustainability in expanding, for example, the fleet of electric cars and waste incineration. There are important issues to be addressed and debates about “greenwashing” when the term energy recovery is adopted to try to give a sustainable character to large-scale waste incineration activities, which could and should be reinserted into the economy through more and better circular economy strategies. All of this affects the public debate on an effectively renewable and sustainable energy production system, making it even more complex and “swampy”.

In the Brazilian context, there is a lack of a more robust, effective and widely disseminated strategy for the design, implementation and evaluation of public energy policies based on community-based action and the effective promotion of sustainability, beyond the false, unsustainable and ecologically incorrect solutions of promoting renewable energy. There is also a lack of greater sensitivity and reorientation of the business sector towards sustainable energy. It is necessary to create space to bring together the city’s initiatives, draw the attention of city halls and state and federal governments to the issue, and invite the population to access consistent information on the contribution (or not) of the range of energies that are said to be renewable. Discussing the future of energy means thinking about equality in terms of just economic and social development. It is preparing the population for the challenges that lie ahead and that will soon have an impact  in contexts in which disasters and catastrophes tend to be more frequent due to climate change.

Armindo Teodósio (Téo), Thiago Silva, Andressa Nunes, Melina Gomes are Researchers-Extension Workers of the Knowledge and Innovations for Sustainability Extension Program (SABIÁS). They belong to the Center for Research in Ethics and Social Management (NUPEGS), of the Graduate Program in Administration, of the Pontifical Catholic University of Minas Gerais. The author Thiago Silva is a Visiting Researcher at the Institute of Social Sciences of the University of Lisbon and his research contemplates possibilities and risks in community-based renewable energies in Brazil. The authors would like to thank the research for funding and the approval of research grants from the Minas Gerais Research Foundation (FAPEMIG) and the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq). 

E-mail: thiago.silva@academico.ufpb.br

Emerging Urban Imaginaries and libertarian utopianism: The Case of Prospera in Honduras

Por: Lara Caldas

Imagine a city with completely privatized governance and rules. An environment where a single company unilaterally provides every urban and livability service in exchange for a subscription fee while preserving free market policies. This libertarian utopia became a reality in Honduras, indicating that emerging radical urban imaginations might not align with democracy’s ideals.

A drawing of a ship in the water

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Figure 1. Photo-collage by the author, using images from: https://www.goodfon.com/city/wallpaper-zaha-hadid-s-innovation-tower-zdaniia-arkhitektura-rastiteln.html and https://www.needpix.com/photo/609300/roatan-honduras-landscape-seascape-caribbean-travel-nature (both licensed as Creative Commons)

The initial idea of a private citadel traces back to Paul Romer, a renowned economist and once the World Bank’s vice president. In the early 2000s, Romer suggested that Charter Cities (CC) could serve as a developmental solution for the Global South. The colonial regime of Hong Kong inspired him to imagine exceptional territories operating under separate, improved rules than those of a “mainland.” These new cities would have their own normative apparatus – a charter –, making them partially independent of the country in which they are located. 

The goal of a CC is to establish a special economic zone with urban dimensions. Experts would design a charter to favor foreign investment and promote economic development, covering labor laws, environmental and urban planning regulations, special tax regimes, and even the justice system. The latter is crucial, as Romer believes that countries in the Global South are socially prone to having bad rules and failing to enforce contracts. Moreover, Romer proposes suspending political-democratic rights, such as direct elections. Since experts predetermine every decision, popular participation is deemed unnecessary. Hence, Romer suggested that residents should “vote with their feet,” leaving the city if the regime proves unsatisfactory, something akin to switching banks.

The obvious consequence is reducing political rights to consumer rights. However, CCs can appeal to the political class by addressing real social demands like safety, employment, and economic growth – though through an elitist framework with a homogeneous idea of development. Against accusations of neocolonialism, Romer argues that their legitimacy lies in their exceptional nature. The proposal is not to occupy entire countries nor to create these territories by force (although Romer presents a very insufficient notion of force, one that ignores countries’ power disparities and the capacity of market actors to meddle with politics). These zones are portrayed as innovation sandboxes, small special areas for investment and governance experimentation.

In 2009, shortly after the coup d’état, Juan Orlando Hernández, President of the National Congress of Honduras, and Porfirio Lobo, then-President, invited Paul Romer to lead a Charter City project. In February 2011, the Honduran Congress passed a constitutional amendment to enable Charter Cities in Honduras, initially called Regiones Especiales de Desarrollo (REDs). In July, the governance statute for REDs was approved. According to this document, REDs were designed as special zones with broad administrative, fiscal, legal, and regulatory autonomy, provided with a transparency commission appointed and overseen by the President. In 2012, the Honduran government entered into an agreement with MGK Group (a company associated with Michael Strong, a well-known libertarian activist) to develop the first RED. This agreement was made without Romer’s knowledge or the involvement of the transparency commission, leading to Romer’s abandonment of the project.

In October, the Honduran Supreme Court declared the REDs unconstitutional, stating that the law violated Honduras’ territorial integrity, sovereignty, and independence. Shortly after, in December, Congress removed four Supreme Court judges who had voted against the REDs. The President of Congress then appointed replacements aligned with the government’s plan, a move criticized as illegal by commentators. Less than a month later, amid fierce opposition from Indigenous islander communities and without consultation or social participation, a new constitutional amendment was approved, establishing the Zonas de Empleo y Desarrollo Económico (ZEDEs).

Figure 2: The Garifuna people protesting the RED project in Tegucigalpa, 2012. Photo by: Honduras Delegation, on flickr.

Prospera is the first ZEDE in Honduras, established in 2017 by the company Prospera LLC, based in Delaware, a well-known tax haven in the United States. Its main investor was NeWay Capital, a financial group based in Washington, DC. This company is linked to the Tipolis Inc. group, led by Titus Gebel, a German economist and founder of the non-profit organization Free Private Cities. Gabel is also the author of a homonymous book that promotes private cities as a solution for those dissatisfied with the rules of nation-states. The project attracted entrepreneurs associated with neoliberal and libertarian activists, including the then-president of the Hayek Institute and prominent figures from the cryptocurrency sector. The ZEDE was implemented on indigenous lands without prior consultation (despite legal prerogatives) and faced widespread opposition.

Figure 3: Prospera is located on the island of Roatan, Honduras. (Google maps with author’s edition).

Prospera embodies many of Romer’s ideals. The new city is an autonomous zone, both financially and administratively, managed by a non-elected council. It has its own governance and justice systems, operating under rules distinct from the national legal framework. Prospera’s court functions through an app developed by an investor and advisory board member of the same company that manages the ZEDE.

Legal experts say that constitutional protections have been weakened, including guarantees of free speech, protections against forced labor, safeguards against discrimination based on gender and race, and even the right to Habeas Corpus. Land ownership rights are among the most undermined, as the regulatory decree stipulates that no precautionary measure shall be implemented to prevent or delay land expropriation. While compensation for expropriations is required, it is only provided in cases where formal ownership titles exist, something that many traditional indigenous populations lack. Luxury condominiums designed by international “starchitect” Zaha Hadid are replacing traditional fishing communities. Prospera is a new city, but more importantly, it is a normative innovation, semiautonomous from Honduras and oriented towards the interests of a transnational class of investors.Prospera falls under the Honduras-United States bilateral agreement (CAFTA-DR), which protects U.S.-origin investments. Therefore, although Honduras elected the socialist Xiomara Castro in 2022, who managed to repeal the ZEDE law, the national government cannot unilaterally terminate the agreement with NeWay Capital without facing indemnity proceedings. Additionally, ZEDEs have vested rights under the Honduran Constitution. Even with the repeal of the legislation, all concessions will remain in effect for at least 10 years. While this process is lengthy and cumbersome, Prospera remains a concrete example of corporations’ power in the South and their capacity to shape urban futures according to their interests.

Lara Caldas is a postdoc fellow in Political Science at the University of Brasilia. She is a researcher at Observatório das Metrópoles and a member of the research group Geopolitics and Urbanization. Her research interests lie in the intersection of urbanization and democracy. Contact: lara.cfsilveira@gmail.com

Agriculture in Europe: Power and Marginalization Dynamics

By: Kaya Schwemmlein

() there is no relationship of power without its corresponding constitution of a field of knowledge, no relationship of knowledge that doesn’t imply and constitute at the same time relationships of power” (Foucault, 1978)

Agriculture in Europe, as a practice and a field of knowledge, has been inextricably linked to the concept of development used in Western society since the Industrial Revolution (late 18th and 19th centuries). Historically speaking, the process of development has its roots in a patriarchal project that claims to satisfy society’s needs and achieve constant progress by commodification of commons, by accumulation of capital and by increase of private ownership, profits and Gross Domestic Product (GDP) (e.g., Watson, 2004; Shiva, 1988). Development in the agricultural sector, then, translates into a constant demand for space, resources and capital for a steady production and accumulation of food that systematically demands the privatization of a vast number of common resources (i.e., seeds and water) and demands a constant flow of cheap labor and “available” land (e.g., Nolte et al., 2016, Holt-Giménez, 2017).

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“We are what we eat”, but do we know what we are eating?

By: Nicoletta Moschini

From beasts we scorn as soulless,
in forest, field and den,
the cry goes up to witness
the soullessness of men.”
M. Frida Hartley

We are all eyewitnesses to a dystopian historical period in which there are more overweight than undernourished people. We prefer to consume water in plastic bottles rather than tap water. Entire geographic areas of Europe, especially southern Portugal, Italy, and Spain, are at high risk of desertification, and globally, 2 billion people have difficult access to safe water sources. Yet, the global average water footprint to produce 1 kilogram of beef is 15,415 liters, meaning 2,400 liters to make a single hamburger – the equivalent of about 3 months of showers. Worldwide, 900 million people are in a state of severe food insecurity. Yet, the world’s cattle require an amount of calories equivalent to the caloric needs of 8.7 billion humans. Moreover, our Planet’s habitable land is mainly used for agriculture, with nearly 80% of farmland linked to meat and dairy production. Yet, livestock produces less than 20% of the world’s supply of calories.

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A CLAN for Human-Animal Studies? Opportunities and challenges of establishing the field – Part 3 

By: Verónica Policarpo

**A versão portuguesa dos 3 posts pode ser consultada aqui.

This is the last post of a series of three in which I proposed myself to reflect upon the main opportunities and challenges implied in the establishment of the field of Human-Animal Studies (HAS) in Portugal, and the role of the HAS-Hub in that process. In the first part, I recollected the strengths of international networks and funding. In the second part, I dived into the powers of connecting in our own mother tongue. Finally, in this third and last post, I will shortly discuss the major threats that, from my point of view, the HAS-Hub may face in the near future, as well as the emerging opportunities.

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A CLAN for Human-Animal Studies? Opportunities and challenges of establishing the field in Portugal – Part 2

Por: Verónica Policarpo

**A versão portuguesa dos 3 posts pode ser consultada aqui.

For the last four years, the Human-Animal Studies Hub (hereafter, HAS-Hub) has brought together scholars from different disciplinary backgrounds and institutions, under a common interest: the critical appraisal of the multiple and systemic ways through which humans have exploited nonhuman animals, and an ethical commitment to contribute to diminish their suffering. In this post, I resume the reflection initiated here about this process. In the first part, I leaned over the rising strengths of international networks and collaborations, as well as the angular role of funding to foster research, training and dissemination. In this second part, I wish to highlight – and honour – the power of connecting and working in our mother tongue. Building a HAS network that speaks, not only but also, in Portuguese is a major mission of the HAS-Hub. I will try to show the role of post-graduate education in this process, in particular the post-graduate course Animais e Sociedade. This reflection will not end today, though. In a future third and last part, I will highlight what are, from my point of view, the major threats that the HAS-Hub faces in the near future, as well as emerging opportunities.

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A CLAN for Human-Animal Studies? Opportunities and challenges of establishing the field in Portugal – Part 1

By: Verónica Policarpo

**A versão portuguesa dos 3 posts pode ser consultada aqui.

Three sociologists meet at a conference in Athens

In September 2017, the congress of the European Sociological Association was held in legendary Athens. It was a very hot day, and as it happens to me often, my presentation was on the very last day of the conference, on the very last time slot, late in the day. Feeling all the tiredness that comes after a long week of one of these big conferences, I headed to the venue early in the morning, after a sleepless night. I had browsed the conference program several times, looking for presentations that had the word “animal”, or any other related, in the title or abstract. I had found only three. One of them was exactly on the very same panel, and the very same day, in which I was going to present my own work. Moreover, it was about a topic very dear to me: death and mourning for a companion animal.

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Second Edition of the Lisbon Early-Career Workshop in Urban Studies 2022

By: Luisa Rossini

The Urban Transitions Hub (as part of the SHIFT research group) hosted, from the 23rd to the 25th of November 2022, at ICS-ULisboa, the second edition of the Lisbon Early-Career Workshop in Urban Studies, with the support of the AESOP Young Academics Network. 16 PhD students and early-career scholars from all over Europe and abroad gathered for the opportunity to present and discuss their research projects and/or findings during a 3-day event organized as a space of exchange, debate and learning. The topic for this second edition was “Social Mobilisations and Planning through Crisis.”

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Screening the Precarious Spaces of Home Across Europe

By: Anna Viola Sborgi

On September 19, 2022, a public screening entitled Espaços Precários da Habitação na Europa – Precarious Homes Across Europe took place at ICS-ULisboa. The screening showcased work of four emerging women filmmakers: Ayo Akingbade’s Dear Babylon (2019, United Kingdom), Leonor Teles’s Cães que Ladram aos Pássaros (2019, Portugal), Laura Kavanagh’s No Place (2019, Ireland and United Kingdom) and Margarida Leitão’s Gipsofila (Portugal, 2015). After watching the films, filmmaker Margarida Leitão and researchers Roberto Falanga and Mariana Liz joined me in an interdisciplinary conversation on cities, their inhabitants, gentrification and film. Members of the audience, which included participants in the Cinema e Ciências Sociais Summer School that was taking place at ICS-ULisboa in those very days, also asked questions and contributed to the discussion.

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De qué hablamos cuando hablamos de Sociología Ambiental

Por: Antonio Aledo

Estoy realizando una estancia académica en el Instituto de Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad de Lisboa en el equipo de investigación liderado por la Dra. Luisa Schmidt y con el apoyo de la Dra. Carla Gomes. Esta estancia está financiada por el Ministerio de Universidades del Gobierno de España dentro del Programa de Estancias de Movilidad de Investigadores en Centros Extranjeros. La preparación de un manual de sociología ambiental es uno de los objetivos principales de esta estancia. En los próximos párrafos resumo los principios fundamentales sobre los que se ha construido la sociología ambiental, que van a dirigir los contenidos de este manual.

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